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جریان‌شناسی فکری- سیاسی تصوف در افغانستان | ||
| مطالعات اوراسیای مرکزی | ||
| مقاله 6، دوره 8، شماره 2، مهر 1394، صفحه 251-271 اصل مقاله (453.49 K) | ||
| نوع مقاله: مقاله پژوهشی | ||
| شناسه دیجیتال (DOI): 10.22059/jcep.2015.56849 | ||
| نویسندگان | ||
| حسین زحمتکش* 1؛ امان الله شفایی2 | ||
| 1استادیار مطالعات منطقه‌ای، دانشگاه تهران | ||
| 2کارشناسی ارشد علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران | ||
| چکیده | ||
| فرقه‌های تصوف در افغانستان کمتر از منظر جایگاه سیاسی آن مورد توجه قرار گرفته‌اند. این نوشتار به دنبال تبیین و تحلیل سلسله‌هایی از تصوف در افغانستان است که از عمارت خانقاه بیرون آمدهاند، وارد عرصه سیاست و قدرت شدهاند و جریانهای فکری-سیاسی خاصی را پدید آورده‌اند. با توجه به حضور سه فرقه نقشبندیه، قادریه و اسماعیلیه در فضای صوفیگری و باطنی‌گری افغانستان، بحث جریان‌شناسی فکری- سیاسی تصوف در سلسله نقشبندیه را می‌توان منتهی به جریانی دانست که خاندان مجددی رهبری معنوی و سیاسی آن را بر عهده داشته و سازمان سیاسی آن «جبهه ملی نجات» است؛ سلسله قادریه را می‌توان جریانی دانست که خانواده گیلانی در آن پیر طریقت و زعیم سیاست شناخته می‌شود و «حزب محاذ ملی اسلامی» پایگاه سازمانی آن است. فرقه اسماعیلیه که به دلیل مشرب صوفی‌گرایانه‌اش در زمره متصوفه قرار گرفته، به جریانی کوچک اما منسجم ختم می‌شود که رهبری آن را خاندان سادات نادری برعهده دارد و «حزب پیوند ملی» به عنوان بازوی سیاسی آن عمل می‌کند. | ||
| کلیدواژه‌ها | ||
| اسماعیلیه؛ پیران گیلانی؛ تصوف؛ حضرات مجددی؛ سادات نادری؛ قادریه؛ نقشبندیه | ||
| عنوان مقاله [English] | ||
| Intellectual and Political Typology of Sufism in Afghanistan | ||
| نویسندگان [English] | ||
| Hosein Zahmatkesh1؛ Amanillah Shafaei2 | ||
| 1Assistant Professor of Regional Studies, University of Tehran, Iran | ||
| 2M.A. of Political Science, University of Tehran, Iran | ||
| چکیده [English] | ||
| Prior to developments in the recent years, many studies have been conducted in relation to the mystics and Sufis in the context of cultural studies and ethnographic subjects. Sufi sect diversity, both Shia and Sunni represents a strong presence in Islamic history. Sufism almost at all times is one of the major and influential trends in the history of Islam. The Sufis been always involved in two major challenges: one in the government and the official interpretation of the religion. Therefore, Sufi sects in the Shia and Sunni have always been involved in the politics and government. They sometimes rebelling as an opposing force, sometimes were united communities, and sometimes even have directly been taken to establish a government such as the Safavid dynasty in Iran. With the growth and spread of the Salafi movement in the region, the Sufi movement appeared as a force that can be an obstacle in the path of the activities of extremist groups. Some experts believe that Muslim governments have neglected the potential of Sufi movements to marginalize Salafi groups. Today, some research centers in the West and Arab world have raised the idea that one of the extraordinary growth of excommunication and Salafi movements in the region and weakened and marginalized the groups of Sufism in Islamic societies. For this reason, the strengthening of such groups tends to marginalize excommunication by Western thinking as one of the proposed options and strategies in those states involved in the phenomenon of Salafism and its security implications. Sufis groups on foreign policy, unlike the fundamentalists, do not accept aggressive approach and recognized the system of international relations the legitimacy of national borders and against terrorism. In these circumstances, analysis on the nature of these groups and their position in the regional security equation will be important, particularly in relation to Afghanistan due to its position as one of the main centers of Salafist movements. Sufi sects in Afghanistan are considered less in terms of its political position. This study seeks to explain and analyze the dynasties of Sufism in Afghanistan from the monastery came into the world of politics. They have created special political and intellectual streams. In this study, we have analyzed the history and performance of Naqshbandi, Qadariyya, and the Ismaili in Afghanistan. This research has used descriptive and analytical methods to analyze and explain this question that “what do political and intellectual streams of Sufism in Afghanistan have in the process? And what role they have played in the political and social developments in the country?” It also raises the statement that “Given the situation in Afghanistan, Sufi groups can be found in the political landscape of the country. The formation of political blocks of Sufis as a relatively coherent political movement can create convergence among the Sufi movements in this country". This study examines the evolution of Sufi groups in Afghanistan and ups and downs in the contemporary history. Sufi sects in Afghanistan, especially the two sects, "Naqshbandi" and "Qaderieh" are highly respected and have high social and political prestige. In this article, Afghan Ismailis as a sect, unlike the other two, represent not national claims and claims of ethnic and regional people. Certainly the special relationship between disciple and Sheikh, in the Sufi sects, and the absolute adherence of the disciples to elders, have something special to give political parties arising from Sufi groups and distinguishes them from other parties. We can conclude that the paper, suggests that, given the structural differences between the societies forming the Sufi groups in Afghanistan, seems to form a unified political block of these groups. During this study it was indicated that despite Sufi groups, because of their conservative approach, Salafism have survived, but they can flag tolerance and democracy in Afghanistan. In addition, the hierarchical relationships between the leaders and cadres of these parties are very personal and emotional and non-bureaucratic. | ||
| کلیدواژه‌ها [English] | ||
| hazarate mojaddedi, Gilani elders, Ismailia, Qadiriyya, Naqshbandi, Sadat Naderi, Sufism | ||
| مراجع | ||
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