تعداد نشریات | 161 |
تعداد شمارهها | 6,573 |
تعداد مقالات | 71,036 |
تعداد مشاهده مقاله | 125,504,561 |
تعداد دریافت فایل اصل مقاله | 98,768,651 |
جایگاه مدرسهها در گسترش فرهنگ اسلامی ورارود (مطالعۀ موردی: مدرسۀ میرعرب بخارا (942-1297ق/1553-1880م)) | ||
مطالعات اوراسیای مرکزی | ||
دوره 13، شماره 2، مهر 1399، صفحه 371-390 اصل مقاله (906.11 K) | ||
نوع مقاله: مقاله پژوهشی | ||
شناسه دیجیتال (DOI): 10.22059/jcep.2020.296798.449899 | ||
نویسندگان | ||
احمد بادکوبه هزاوه1؛ مصطفی عرب عامری* 2 | ||
1دانشیار تاریخ و تمدن ملل اسلامی، دانشگاه تهران | ||
2دانشجوی دکتری تاریخ و تمدن ملل اسلامی، دانشگاه تهران | ||
چکیده | ||
مدرسۀ میرعرب را در سال 942ق/1535م سید عبدالله یمنی حضرموتی ملقّب به میرعرب از شیوخ طریقت نقشبندیه و امام جمعۀ بخارا در دورۀ حکمرانی عبیداللهخان شیبانی (حک: 940-947 ق/ 1534-1539م) بنا کرد. زمانی نبرد که این مدرسه در کنار دیگر مدرسههای بخارا به کانونی مهم برای سپریکردن دورۀ تحصیلات عالی دینی تبدیل شد و طلبههای علوم دینی از سرتاسر مناطق مسلماننشین روسیه و دیگر روستاهای همجوار برای ادامۀ تحصیل وارد بخارا شدند. بسیاری از طلبههای تاتاری و باشقیری که در بخارا تحصیل میکردند بعد از بازگشت به موطن خود بهعنوان بخارایی شناخته میشدند و علاوه بر اعتبار قابل توجهی که برای جامعۀ خود به ارمغان میآوردند، از جایگاه اجتماعی و مذهبی ممتازی نیز بهرهمند بودند. در این نوشتار میخواهیم با استفاده از منابع تاریخی و آرشیوی و به شیوۀ توصیفی- تحلیلی، به این پرسش پاسخ دهیم که مدرسههای بخارا چه جایگاهی در گسترش فرهنگ اسلامی ورارود داشتهاند؟ از اینرو برای پاسخ به این پرسش، مدرسۀ میرعرب که در شمار مهمترین و بزرگترین مدرسههای بخارا به شمار میآید را در قالب مطالعۀ موردی بررسی میکنیم تا جایگاه برجستۀ مدرسههای بخارا در گسترش فرهنگ اسلامی ورارود را تبیین کنیم. دستاوردهای نوشتار روشن میکند، مدرسههای بخارا که مدرسۀ میرعرب نمونۀ شاخص آنها است کانون حفاظت از گفتمان سنت اسلامی این سرزمین بودهاند، علاوه بر آن در تبلیغ و گسترش فرهنگ اسلامی در میان مردم ترک و تاتار دشت قپچاق و پاسداری از هویت اسلامی این مردم در برابر تسلط روسیۀ تزاری و شوروی، نقش مهم و مؤثری داشتند. | ||
کلیدواژهها | ||
بخارا؛ تبلیغات دینی؛ علوم دینی؛ فرهنگ اسلامی؛ مدرسۀ میرعرب؛ مقررات آموزشی؛ ورارود | ||
عنوان مقاله [English] | ||
The Position of Madrasas in the Development of Transoxiana Islamic Culture (Case Study: Mir Arab Madrasa in Bukhara (1553-1880)) | ||
نویسندگان [English] | ||
Ahmad Badkoobeh Hazaveh1؛ Mostafa Arabameri2 | ||
1Associate Professor of Islamic History and Muslim Civilization, University of Tehran | ||
2Ph.D. Student of Islamic History and Muslim Civilization, University of Tehran | ||
چکیده [English] | ||
Mir Arab Madrasa was built in 1553 A.d by Seyyed Abdullah Yemeni Hadramauti, nicknamed Mir Arab, one of the sheikhs of the Naqshbandiyya sect, and Friday prayer leader of Bukhara during the reign of Obaidullah Khan Sheibani (r. 1534-1539). Mir Arab granted the finance of Madrasa by trading Iranian slaves, captivated in the battle of Ghazdewan. Soon, it became an important center for religious higher education along with other Madrasas in Bukharaand students of religious sciences from all over the Muslim-populated areas of Russia and other neighboring towns entered Bukhara to continue their studies. Many Muslims of that territory were breaking into Madrasa of Bukhara, passing Postgraduate and returning to their homeland as an imam or a Khatib in Madrasa or mosques. Namely, Tatar, Hafizuddin Bernagwi, accepted the offer of Khatib in 1850A.d/1267A.d also Ali Mufti bin Walid, was originally from Semey, Kazakhstan and graduate of Bukhara Madrasa, appointed as Kokand’s mufti in 1865A.D/1282A.H. Many Tatar and Bashkir scholars who studied in Bukhara became known as “Bukharais” after returning to their homeland. In addition to the significant credit they presented to their community, they also enjoyed a privileged social and saintly status. The educated youth of Kazan found promoters in capitalists, to train scholastics in the way they had been taught themselves. Till the end of Emir Mohammed Alim Khan’s rule, coincident with the Bolshevik revolution in Russia, the Mir Arab Madrasas were held on (from 1910-1920 A.D/ 1329-1339A.H). During the Soviet Union era, after the fall of Bukhara by the red army, the mentioned Madrasa like the other seminaries was closed in years till 1945A.D following parley between the head office of Muslim clergies in central Asia and Kazakhstan and the ruling party reopened in 1946 A.D. Traditional national architecture is peculiar to this building a square yard surrounded by two floors of cells, two big domed halls in the left and right corners. Two-store loggias that are adjoining the main façade in the center highlighted with a portal. The inner yard is adorned with composed carved mosaic. In the center of the madrasa, there is a shrine of Ubaydulla emir of Bukhara, who had ruled the city from 1533 to 1540 A.D. At the head of the building, you will see a burial place of the spiritual guide of the khan Miri Arab, whose honor the building got its name. Life in the Mir Arab SCHSA began with the private study of several brief tracts: Awwal-i ‘ilm , a short track that covered the essential requirements (zururiyat) of Islam in a question-and-answer format; Bidan, an exposition of the basic rules of Arabic grammar in Persianand Adab-i muta’allimin, which covered the adab of the student. After that, the student read Sharh-i Mulla, a commentary on Ibn Hajib’s Kafiya (which the student had already studied) by Abdurrahman Jami, the Timurid poet; written in Arabic, this was the first book studied with a mudarris. At the same time, the student started studying formal logic with an assistant teacher, using the Shamsiya of Najmuddin Qazvini (d.1276); when he was ready, he moved on to the Hashiya-yi Qutbi, a commentary on Shamsiya; concurrently with the Hashiya, the student was introduced to theology (‘Ilm-i kalam ) through the ‘Aqa‘id of Abu Hafs Nasafi (d. 1142), which he read with an assistant teacher. Later, the student moved to various glosses on this book. These were followed by the Tahzib ul-Mantiq wa’l kalam , a tract on logic and dogma by Sa’duddin Taftazani (d. 1381); Hikmat ul-‘ayn by Qazvini, a tract on natural science and metaphysics; Mulla Jalal, a commentary by Jalaluddin Dawwami (d. 1502) on the ‘Aqa‘id ul-adudiyat of Abdurrahman b. Ahmad al-Iji (d. 1356), a tract on Muslim beliefs. There was no formal termination of studies in the madrasa and many students lingered on for decades. The core texts, however, could be mastered in nineteen years. Formal lessons took place four days a week. The entire study group assembled; a designated reader (qari, elected by the students) read out the passage to be discussed; the mudarris then translated the passage (if necessary) and proceeded to explain and comment on it; a disputation involving the students concluded the lesson. There was no compulsion to take courses at the madrasa of residence; indeed, at many madrasas no lectures were held at all. A student was free to learn from any professor in the city. The Madrasa year, lasting from September to March, was short, allowing students to work productively in the summer. Indeed, many students left Bukhara for their villages in October to gather the harvest. At the same time, sons of Ulama began madrasa education with a distinct advantage in cultural capital and wealthy students could always hire others to tutor them. This article intends to answer this question by using historical and archival sources and in a descriptive-analytical manner looks for what role have Bukhara Madrasas played in the spread of Trans-Islamic culture? Therefore, to respond to this question, Mir Arab Madrasa, which is considered to be the most important and largest Madrasa in Bukhara, has been chosen as a case study. Hence, the prominent position of Bukhara Madrasas in the spread of transcendental Islamic culture will be explained. The research results show that the Madrasas of Bukhara, of which Mir Arab Madrasa is an example, have been the center of protection of the discourse of the Islamic tradition of this land. Moreover, these people played an important and effective role in propagating and spreading Islamic culture among the Turkish and Tatar peoples of the Qabchaq Plain and protecting the Islamic identity of these people against the domination of Tsarist Russia and the Soviet Union. | ||
کلیدواژهها [English] | ||
Bukhara, Educational Regulation, Mir Arab Madrasa, Religious Advertising, Religious Sciences, Transoxiana Islamic Culture | ||
مراجع | ||
Aini, Sadridin (1981), Memories, Vol. 2 and 4, Dushanbe: Erfan [in Persian]. ARCHNET (n.d.), Available at: https://archnet.org/sites/2117/ media_contents/28663#, (Accessed on: 15/3/2019).
Bukhari, Mirza Muhammad Zaman (2014), The Sea of Chronicles, Edited by Mehrdad Fallahzadeh and Forogh Hashabeiky, Brill: Studies in Persian Cultural History [in Persian]. Burnes, Alexer (1835),Travels into Bukhara, Vol. 1, London: John Murray. Fitrat, Abdurauf (2011), Indian Sayings, Tehran: Shahriaran [in Persian] Frank, Allen (2012), Bukhara and Muslims of Russia, Sufism, Education and Paradox of Islamic Prestige, Leiden-Bosto: Brill. Frank, Allen (2013), A Month among the Qazaqs in the Emirate of Bukhara, Leiden-Bosto: Brill. Ghafurov, Babajan (1997), Tjikan, Dushanbe: Erfan [in Persian]. Hakim Khan, Muhammad (2009), Selected History, Edited by Yayoi Kawahara and Koiti Haneda, Tokyo: Institute for Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa [in Persian]. Henry, Francis and Edward Denison Ross (2005), The Heart of Asia,New York: Taylor and Francis e-Library. Khalid, Adeeb (1999), The Politics of Muslim Cultural Reform, Berkeley: University of California Press. Khalidi, Qurban-Ali (2015), An Islamic Biographical Dictionary, Allen Frank, Leiden-Bosto: Brill. Konobloch, Edgar (2001), Monuments of Central Asia, London: I. B. Tauris, in the United States and Canada Distributed by St. Martines Press. Makhdum Danish, Ahmad (1960), An Essay or a Brief History of Mangitid Sultans, Stalinabad: Governmental Periodicals Tajikistan [in Persian]. Marjani, Shihab ad-Din (1897), Mustafad al-Akhbar fi Ahwali Qazan wa Bulghar II,St. Petersburg. Marvi,MuhammadKazem (1990), The History of Aalam Aray Naderi, Tehran: Elm [in Persian]. Monshi Ghomi, Ahmad (2003), A Summary of History, Tehran: University of Tehran [in Persian]. Olufsen, O. (1911), The Emir of Bukhara and His Country, London: William Heinemann. Raisnia, Rahim (2008), Jadidi Movement in Tatarestan, Tehran: Center of Documents and History of Diplomacy [in Persian]. Samarqandi, Raqim(2001), The History of Raqim, Edited by Manouchehr Sotoudeh, Tehran: Dr. Mahmoud Afshar Foundation [in Persian]. Sami, Mirza Abdul Azim (2009), Tuhfa-yi Shahi, Tehran: Society for the National Heritage of Iran [in Persian]. Sarli, Araz Muhammad(1985), Turkestan att History, Tehran: Amir Kabir [in Persian]. Seyed Moradi, Ahmad (2017), The Travels of Samarkand and Bukhara, Tehran: Farhang Sabz [in Persian]. Shakuri, Muhammadjan (1978), Sadridin Aini, Dushanbe: Erfan [in Persian]. Vambery, Armin (1958), Fraudulent Dervish’s Journey, Translated by Fath Ali Khaje Noorian, Tehran: Book Publication and Translation Agency [in Persian]. Zamani, Husayn (1998), The Travels of Bukhara, Tehran: Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies [in Persian]. Ахмадуллин В. А. (2015), “Особенности Советской Двухуровневой Подготовки Исламских Кадров: Опыт и Уроки”, ИсламскоеOбразование в России и за Рубежом, Том. 11, №. 2, pp. 153-163. Остроумовъ, Н. (1907), Мадрасы въ Туркестанескомъ Краъ, Санкт-Петербург: Сенатская типографя. Ханыковымъ, Н. (1843), Бухарскаго Ханства, Санкт-Петербург: Императорской Академи Наукъ. | ||
آمار تعداد مشاهده مقاله: 914 تعداد دریافت فایل اصل مقاله: 497 |