پیوندهای مفید
اخبار و اعلانات
آمار
| تعداد نشریات | 161 |
| تعداد شماره‌ها | 6,533 |
| تعداد مقالات | 70,522 |
| تعداد مشاهده مقاله | 124,135,748 |
| تعداد دریافت فایل اصل مقاله | 97,241,186 |
«مقابله با تروریسم» و تحول‌پذیری سیاست خارجی منطقه‌ای چین در آسیای مرکزی (2002- 2016) | ||
| مطالعات اوراسیای مرکزی | ||
| مقاله 12، دوره 11، شماره 2، مهر 1397، صفحه 453-467 اصل مقاله (502.07 K) | ||
| نوع مقاله: مقاله پژوهشی | ||
| شناسه دیجیتال (DOI): 10.22059/jcep.2019.241224.449728 | ||
| نویسندگان | ||
| سید اصغر کیوان حسینی* 1؛ شیرین عمرانی‌منش2 | ||
| 1دانشیار روابط بین‌الملل، دانشگاه علامۀ طباطبائی | ||
| 2دانش‌آموختۀ کارشناسی‌ارشد مطالعات آسیای مرکزی و قفقاز جنوبی، دانشگاه علامۀ طباطبائی | ||
| چکیده | ||
| پس از فروپاشی اتحاد شوروی و پایان‌یافتن جنگ سرد، آسیای مرکزی به عرصۀ رقابت بازیگران منطقه‌ای و فرامنطقه‌ای تبدیل شد و چین که از دیرباز پیوندهای سنتی و ارتباط‌های نزدیکی با کشورهای آسیای مرکزی داشت، توانست جایگاه درخور توجهی را در این منطقه از آن خود سازد. به‌گونه‌ای که به‌نظر بسیاری از تحلیلگران، امنیت و رونق اقتصادی چین در پیوند با این منطقه هویت خاصی یافت. در پی رویداد 11 سپتامبر، تحولات منطقه، به‌ویژه بعد از گسترش فعالیت‌های تروریستی، برای رهبران پکن یعنی «هوجین تائو» و «شی جین‌پینگ» حساسیت‌برانگیز بود. به همین دلیل کوشیدند که ردپای مشخصی از این دغدغه را در رفتار خارجی منطقه‌گرایی خویش آشکار کنند. بعد از 11 سپتامبر رخداد برخی رویدادهای دیگر در سطح ملی، منطقه‌ای و بین‌المللی به‌شکل برداشت‌های امنیتی متفاوتی در رؤسای جمهور این کشور و به‌دنبال آن، تغییر در برخی سیاست‌گذاری‌های امنیتی چین نسبت به منطقۀ آسیای مرکزی را منجر شد. برای نمونه می‌توان به شکل‌گیری پیوندهای جدید امنیتی و طرح و اجرای قوانین و مقررات جدید ضدتروریستی در دورۀ ریاست‌جمهوری شی جین‌پینگ اشاره کرد. با استفاده از روش کتابخانه‌ای پرسش اصلی نوشتار پیش رو، بر مبنای «چگونگی تأثیرپذیری سیاست خارجی منطقه‌گرای چین در مورد آسیای مرکزی از ملاحظۀ رویارویی با تروریسم در دورۀ هو و شی» شکل‌گرفته است. این فرضیه بیان شده است: سیاست خارجی چین دربارۀ منطقۀ آسیای مرکزی در دورۀ شی جین‌پینگ در مقایسه با هو جین‌تائو، از جهت‌گیری امنیت‌گرای بیشتری به‌ویژه بر مبنای مبارزه با تروریسم، برخوردار شده است. | ||
| کلیدواژه‌ها | ||
| سیاست خارجی منطقه‌ای چین؛ شی جین‌پینگ؛ مبارزه با تروریسم؛ مسئلۀ سین‌کیانگ؛ ملاحظات امنیتی؛ منطقۀ آسیای مرکزی؛ هو جین‌تائو | ||
| عنوان مقاله [English] | ||
| Confronting Terrorism and the Transformation of China's Regional Foreign Policy in Central Asia (2002-2016) | ||
| نویسندگان [English] | ||
| Seyyed Asghar Keivan Hosseini1؛ Shirin Omrani Manesh2 | ||
| 1Associate Professor of International Relations, Allameh Tabataba’i University | ||
| 2M.A. in Regional Studies of Central Asia, Allameh Tabataba’i University | ||
| چکیده [English] | ||
| After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, Central Asia, as a newly emerging region, became the scene of rivalry between regional and trans-regional actors, each of which was aiming to leave its own distinct and effective trail on the region. Under these circumstances, China, which has long been engaged in traditional links and close ties with the countries of the region, pursued a progressive regional foreign policy, and sought to provide appropriate multidimensional fields for promoting its national interests and national economic goals in Central Asian. In other words, China's growing economy and its innovative orientation towards becoming a regional and global power have forced this government to develop relations with the countries of the region. The scope of this kind of influence has gone so far that, according to some analysts, the security and prosperity of China in relation to the region has gained a specific identity. The above-mentioned conditions, which were mutually beneficial, faced transformations in the region following the 9/11 attacks and their subsequent developments. After Hu Jintao came to power in 2002, China's foreign policy focused on reducing tension with its neighbors and regional countries. His foreign policy in Central Asia was based on regional stability. Thus, while security and development were his most important issues in confronting Central Asia, he considered the power of economic development as the only solution to the reduction or even elimination of ethnic and political tensions. The foreign policy of Xi Jinping took a more active approach. In contrast to Hu, Xi has been less optimistic about the nature of world politics and his strategy to achieve foreign policy objectives has been more decisive and aggressive. The goals of China's foreign policy in this period in relation to Central Asia are summarized as follow: Maintaining political stability in the secular states of Central Asia; increasing China's influence and limiting the influence of other powers; promoting China's economic interests through the Belt and Road Initiative. Meanwhile, the phenomenon of terrorism and the spread of terrorist activities have changed some aspects of China’s security policy toward the Central Asian region. The formation of new security ties with some countries, and designing and implementing new anti-terror laws and regulations are some examples. Based on the comparative-analytical research method, the present paper describes how the anti-terrorism approach influenced China’s foreign policy toward Central Asia under Hu and Xi. The main question is: “How is China's regional foreign policy toward Central Asia was influential in terms of countering terrorism after September 11?” And the hypothesis is: China's foreign policy toward the Central Asian region has become more security-orientated under Xi Jingping compared to Hu Jintao, especially on the basis of the fight against terrorism. | ||
| کلیدواژه‌ها [English] | ||
| Central Asian Region, China's Regional Foreign Policy, China's Security Policy, Fight against Terrorism, Hu Jintao, Sing-Kiang Issue, Xi Jinping | ||
| مراجع | ||
|
A) English
1. Atli, A. (2011), “The Role of Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in the Economic Security of China”, Orta Asya ve Kafkasya Araştırmaları, Vol. 6, No. 12, pp. 111-133. 2. Blank, S. J. (2011), “Dragon Rising: Chinese Policy in Central Asia”, American Foreign Policy Interests, Vol. 33, No. 6, pp. 261-272. 3. Buyarov, D. V., A. A. Kireev and A. D. Druzyaka (2016), “Demographic Situation in Xinjiang-Uigur Autonomous Area in the Last Quarter of the Twentieth Century”, Global Media Journal, No. S3:03, pp. 1-20. 4. Buzan, B. (2010), “China in International Society: is ‘Peaceful Rise’ Possible?”, The Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 5-36. 5. Callahan, W. A. (2016), “China’s “Asia Dream” the Belt Road Initiative and the New Regional Order”, Asian Journal of Comparative Politics, Vol. 1, No. 3, pp. 226-243. 6. Clarke, M. (2016), “Beijing’s March West: Opportunities and Challenges for China’s Eurasian Pivot”, Orbis, Vol. 60, No. 2, pp. 296-313. 7. Crisis Group (2015), “Syria Calling: Radicalisation in Central Asia”, Available at: https://www.crisisgroup.org/file/450/download?token=aIMu6tfW, (Accessed on: 12/10/2015). 8. Crisis Group (2016), “Tajikestan: an Ever-More Fragile State in a Brittle Region”, Available at: https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe central-asia/central-asia/tajikistan/tajikistan-ever-more-fragile-state-brittle-region, (Accessed on: 2/5/2016). 9. Dyner, A., A. Legieć and K. Rękawek (2015), “Ready to Go?: ISIS and its Presumed Expansion into Central Asia”, PISM Policy Paper, Vol. 19, No. 121, pp. 1-16. 10. Gustavsson, J. (1999), “How Should we Study Foreign Policy Change?”, Cooperation and Conflict, Vol. 34, No. 1, pp. 73-95. 11. He, Kai and Huiyun Feng (2013), “Xi Jinping’s Operational Code Beliefs and China’s Foreign Policy”, The Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol. 6, No. 3, pp. 209-231. 12. Heath, T. R. (2016), “Developments in China’s Military Force Projection and Expeditionary Capabilities”, RAND National Security Research Division, Available at: https://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/testimonies/CT400/ CT450/RAND_CT450.pdf, (Accessed on: 4/7/2016). 13. Ibraev, B. (2016), “Addressing the Daesh Threat in the Context of Central Asia”, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, Available at: http://www.osce-academy.net/upload/file/Brief31.pdf, (Accessed on: 26/7/2016). 14. Kallio, J. (2016), “Xi Jinping’s Universal Rule by Virtue?”, The Finnish Institute of International Affairs, Briefing Paper 189, Available at: http://www.fiia.fi/en/publication/556/china_s_new_foreign_politics/, (Accessed on: 2/3/2016). 15. Kucera, Joshua (2015), “As Kerry Leaves, What’s Next for U.S. in Central Asia?”, Eurasianet, Available at: https://eurasianet.org/node/75901, (Accessed on: 13/2/2016). 16. Mackerras, C. (2012), “Causes and Ramifications of the Xinjiang July 2009 Disturbances”, Sociology Study, Vol. 2, No. 7, pp. 496-510. 17. Mariani, Bernardo (2013), “China’s Role and Interests in Central Asia”, Saferworld, Available at: https://www.saferworld.org.uk/downloads/pubdocs/ chinas-role-and-interests-in-central-asia.pdf, (Accessed on: 9/2/2015). 18. Masayuki, M. (2009), “China’s Search for a New Foreign Policy Frontier: Concept and Practice of “Harmonious World”, China’s Shift: Global Strategy of the Rising Power”, The National Institute for Defense Studies,Available at: http://www.nids.mod.go.jp/english/publication/joint_research/series3/pdf/3-3.pdf, (Accessed on: 15/3/2015). 19. Reuters (2016), “China Joins Afghanistan, Pakistan, Tajikistan in Security Alliance”, Available at: https://www.reuters.com/article/us-china-security/china-joins-afghanistan-pakistan-tajikistan-in-security-alliance-idUSKCN10F1A6, (Accessed on: 11/11/2016). 20. Rumer, E., R. Sokolsky and P. Stronski (2016), “US Policy toward Central Asia 3.0”, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Available at: http://carnegieendowment.org/files/CP_259_Central_Asia_Final.pdf, (Accessed on: 7/6/2016). 21. Sørensen, C. T. (2015), “The Significance of Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Dream” for Chinese Foreign Policy: from “Tao Guang Yang Hui” to “Fen Fa You Wei”, Journal of China and International Relations, Vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 53-73. 22. Swanström, N. (2011), “China and Greater Central Asia-New Frontiers?”, Central Asia – Caucasus Institute and Silk Road Studies Program, Available at: http://isdp.eu/content/uploads/publications/2011_swanstrom_china-and-greater-central-asia.pdf, (Accessed on: 6/10/2015). 23. Tanner, M. S. and J. Bellacqua (2016), “China’s Response to Terrorism”, U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, Available at: https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/files/Research/Chinas%20Response%20to%20Terrorism_CNA061616.pdf, (Accessed on: 21/12/2016). 24. Tucker, N. (2016), “Public and State Responses to ISIS Messaging: Kazakhstan”, Central Asia Program, Available at: https://www.liportal.de/ fileadmin/user_upload/oeffentlich/Kasachstan/40_gesellschaft/CERIA_Brief_13__February_2016.pdf, (Accessed on: 12/6/2016). 25. Tukmadiyeva, M. (2013), “Xinjiang in China’s Foreign Policy toward Central Asia”, Connections: the Quarterly Journal, Vol. 12, No. 3, pp. 87-108. 26. U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission (2015), “Executive Summary and Recommendation”, Available at: https://www.uscc.gov/sites/ default/files/annual_reports/2015%20Executive%20Summary%20and%20Recommendations.pdf, (Accessed on: 29/12/2015). 27. Xinhuanet (2015), “China Adopts First Counter-Terrorism Law”, Available at: http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2015-12/27/c_134955905.htm, (Accessed on: 6/2/2016). 28. Zimmerman, T. (2015), The New Silk Roads: China, the US, and the Future of Central Asia, New York: Center on International Cooperation. B) Persian
1. Khosravi, Alireza and Mehdi Mirmohammadi (2014), An Introduction to Foreign Policy Analysis,Tehran: Strategic Studies. 2. Koozegar Kaleji, Vali (2015), Iran, Russia and China in Central Asia; Intraction and Confrontation with US Foreign Policy,Tehran: Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 3. Moshirzadeh, Homeira (2015), “Revival of Foreign Policy Analysis: a Multivariable Analysis”, Iranian Political Science Association, Vol. 10, No. 3, pp. 139-171. 4. Razani, Ehsan (2010), “China’s Security Relations with the Central Asian Republics after the Cold War”, Central Asia and the Caucasus Studies,Vol. 16, No. 70, pp. 47-69. 5. Vaezi, Mahmoud (2011), “Shanghai Cooperation Organization Development Process: Goals and Benefits of Founders”, Foreign Policy Association, Vol. 30, pp. 17-60. 6. Verdinejad, Fereydoun and Others (2011), Sustainable Dragon: China Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow, Tehran: Ettelaat. | ||
|
آمار تعداد مشاهده مقاله: 685 تعداد دریافت فایل اصل مقاله: 609 |
||