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تأملی در سیاست نوعثمانی‌گری ترکیه و دشواری‌های آن برای ایران | ||
| مطالعات اوراسیای مرکزی | ||
| دوره 15، شماره 2، اسفند 1401، صفحه 363-387 اصل مقاله (642.33 K) | ||
| نوع مقاله: مقاله پژوهشی | ||
| شناسه دیجیتال (DOI): 10.22059/jcep.2023.344663.450079 | ||
| نویسندگان | ||
| احمد نقیب‌زاده1؛ نوذر خلیل‌طهماسبی* 2 | ||
| 1استاد علوم سیاسی، دانشکدۀ حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران | ||
| 2دانش‌آموختۀ دکتری علوم سیاسی، دانشکدۀ حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران | ||
| چکیده | ||
| در این نوشتار می‌خواهیم با درنظرگرفتن مسائل تاریخی و توجه به سیر دگرگونی سیاست حاکم بر دولت ترکیه، بحث نوعثمانی‌گری را که به گفتمانی برجسته در سیاست خارجی این دولت تبدیل شده است واکاوی کنیم. نوعثمانی‌گری با نوکردن خاطرۀ قلمروی امپراتوری، ذهن و قلم بسیاری از دانشوران و مفسران را به‌خود جلب کرده است. ادعای نوعثمانی‌گری مجادله‌برانگیز است. به همین دلیل نیز آرا و تفسیرهای متعددی در مورد آن وجود دارد. گذار از مرزهای ملی و آنچه سایکس- پیکو به نام دولت ـ ملت به یادگار نهاد؛ به‌دور از مجادله نیست. بدین‌سان، در بسیاری از پژوهش‌ها با توجه به قلمروی سرزمینی که از سیاست نوعثمانی‌گری تصور می‌شود؛ چنان رویکردی را در تناظر با خواست دولت ترکیه برای گسترش اقتدار منطقه‌ای و حتی سرزمینی تفسیر کرده‌اند. در این نوشتار خوانشی متفاوت از سیاست نوعثمانی‌گری داریم و در برابر پرسش چرایی گرایش نخبگان سیاسی ترکیه به نوعثمانی‌گری و دشواری این سیاست برای ایران، این فرضیه مطرح می‌شود که «چنین سیاستی، پاسخی به بحران‌های درونی ترکیه است و بیش از آنکه تهدیدی برای قلمروی سرزمینی و هویتی ایران باشد؛ تدبیر یا چاره‌اندیشی برای رفع بحران‌های هویتی درونی ترکیه و نشانه‌ای از ناکامی ملی‌گرایی قومی (ترک‌گرایی) است». روش پژوهش کیفی است و ضمن بهره‌گیری از نظریۀ سازه‌انگاری، درنظرگرفتن مسائل تاریخی و تحلیل گفتار ایده‌های بانیان اندیشۀ نوعثمانی‌گری فرضیۀ نوشتار را بررسی می‌کنیم. | ||
| کلیدواژه‌ها | ||
| ایران؛ خاورمیانه؛ سازه‌انگاری؛ ملی‌گرایی؛ نوعثمانی‌گری | ||
| عنوان مقاله [English] | ||
| A Contemplation on the Policy of New-Ottomanism and Its Difficulties for Iran | ||
| نویسندگان [English] | ||
| Ahmad Naghib Zadeh1؛ Nozar Khalil Tahmasebi2 | ||
| 1Professor of Political Sciense, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran | ||
| 2Ph.D. in Political Science, Faculty of Law & Political Science, University of Tehran | ||
| چکیده [English] | ||
| Introduction: This study aims to examine the issue of new Ottomanism, which has become a prominent discourse in the foreign policy of the Turkish government, by considering historical issues and paying attention to the evolution of the Turkish government's policy. By reviving the geography of the empire, new-Ottomanism has attracted the minds and attention of many scholars and commentators. The claim of new-Ottomanism is controversial and that is why there are many opinions and interpretations about it. Crossing national borders and what Sykes-Picot called the nation-state is not without controversy. Hence, in many studies, considering the geography and territory of the land that is thought of neo-Ottoman politics; such an approach has been interpreted in line with the Turkish government's determination to expand regional and even territorial authority. Concerns are being raised about the geopolitics of some countries, and Iran is no exception to this rule. Therefore, numerous interpretations of the policy of new-Ottomanism and the threat of this policy were written for some countries in the Middle East, the Caucasus, and the Balkans. It is important to examine such a policy, given its prominence over the last two decades and the targeting of various governments, especially Iran. Research Question: Why are the Turkish political elites inclined to Ottomanism and how can the impact of this policy on Iran be analyzed? Research Hypothesis: Such a policy is a response to Turkey's internal crises and a ploy to find a solution to Turkey's internal identity crisis and a sign of the failure of ethnic nationalism (Turkism) rather than a threat to Iran's territorial integrity and identity. Methodology (and theoretical framework if there are): The present study by qualitative method examines the discussion of new-Ottomanism in the foreign policy of the Turkish government. In this regard, an attempt is made to offer a different reading of neo-Ottoman politics by considering the two categories of politics and geography. Also, considering that new-Ottomanism is a return to the past, historical issues are not neglected in the present study. The importance of the three components of politics, geography, and history in the interpretation of new-Ottomanism shows that research is of a fundamental type and can be proposed in the humanities framework. The Content was collected and arranged in a library method. To explain the idea of research, an attempt is made to reflect such a discourse in Turkish foreign policy, and especially towards Iran, by analyzing the discourse and re-reading the ideas of the founders of neo-Ottoman policy. Studying the policies of the political elites of the Turkish government along with paying attention to the internal conditions and events of this government in the last few decades, provides the possibility of why neo-Ottomanism is valid in foreign policy. In this research, the foundations of Constructivism theory are also used to provide a comprehensive understanding of new-Ottomanism policy. Results and Discussion: New-Ottomanism has become an important discourse in Turkish politics since the AKP came to power. Several interpretations have been made as to the historical background and purpose of such a return. Unlike the Young Turks and the Republic of Turkey, new-Ottomanism insists on geography that is more close to the imperial system, a system in which a wide range of nationalities, religions, and groups were ruled by one. Many scholars and commentators have analyzed such a return in the meaning of the Turkish government's expansion of authority and geographical influence. So, there is a concern about Iran's geopolitics that new-Ottomanism policy may affect Iran's geopolitics and some of Iran's identity geography. In the present study, with the historical reading of new-Ottomanism, it was argued that new-Ottomanism policy could be considered more a tactic or solution to resolve Turkey's internal identity crises than a threat to the territorial integrity and identity of Iran. Conclusion: Geopolitical idealism under the name of new-Ottomanism became more important and heated when dissatisfaction with politics and governance arose in Turkey. The incompatibility of the Turkish Kurds, the failure to join the European Union, the coup, the change of political system from a parliamentary to a presidential one, the Gulen movement, the tendency towards authoritarianism in domestic politics, and the rise of the Syrian Kurds, especially in the Syrian crisis and Kurd' resistance against Daesh (ISIS) which improve the position of the Kurds in northern Syria are concerns and crises that the Turkish government is aware of. Therefore, the policy of new-Ottomanism, which comes at the same time as such crises, seeks to use the capacity of geography and history to deviate minds from deep internal crises. New-Ottomanism also suggests that the insistence on Turkish nationalism and ethnocentrism failed to solve the problem of Turkish identity and that the Turkish Kurds remain a serious issue for the government. As a result, returning to Ottomanism means defining everything under geography, including Turks and Kurds. Although such a policy may face Iran with problems, it cannot create an inherent and complete threat to Iran's territorial integrity. | ||
| کلیدواژه‌ها [English] | ||
| Iran, Middle East, Constructivism, Nationalis, New-Ottomanism | ||
| مراجع | ||
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