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تحلیل مناسبات هیدروپلیتیک در حوضۀ آبریز رودخانۀ بین‌المللی مکونگ | ||
| پژوهشهای جغرافیای انسانی | ||
| دوره 56، شماره 4، دی 1403، صفحه 123-140 اصل مقاله (2.04 M) | ||
| نوع مقاله: مقاله علمی پژوهشی | ||
| شناسه دیجیتال (DOI): 10.22059/jhgr.2024.369733.1008656 | ||
| نویسندگان | ||
| یاشار ذکی* ؛ شهاب الدین شفیع | ||
| گروه جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشکده جغرافیا، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. | ||
| چکیده | ||
| اگر هیدروپلیتیک را مطالعه اثر تصمیم‌گیری‌های مربوط به استفاده از آب در روابط میان کشورها با یکدیگر یا روابط میان دولت‌ها و مردم حتی در یک کشور بدانیم، آنگاه مناسبات هیدروپلیتیکی همگرایانه مبتنی بر تعامل و تشریک‌مساعی میان واحدهای سیاسی و مناسبات هیدروپلیتیکی واگرایانه مبتنی بر تنش، تزاحم و بستر تنش و درگیری میان واحدهای سیاسی ملّی و منطقه‌ای خواهد بود. رودخانه مکونگ به‌عنوان دهمین رودخانه بزرگ جهان در طی سه دهه گذشته به‌طور چشمگیری دگرگون‌شده است. زمانی رودخانه‌ای آزاد محسوب شده که به‌طور طبیعی در جریان بوده است؛ اما امروزه به‌طور فزاینده‌ای توسط سدهای بزرگ برق‌آبی محاصره‌شده است. این دگرگونی تأثیرات گسترده‌ای بر آب‌شناسی، محیط‌زیست، معیشت جوامع محلی و نظام حکمرانی آب در منطقه داشته است. بررسی حاضر به‌مرور و ارزیابی ادبیات موجود در زمینه سیاسی ـ اکولوژی سدهای بزرگ در حوضه مکونگ می‌پردازد. این بررسی با ارائه چارچوبی مفهومی برای تحلیل سیاسی ـ اکولوژی سدها، موضوعات متنوعی را موردبحث قرار می‌دهد. از جمله: تأثیرات زیستی ـ محیطی سدها، معیشت، منابع مشترک و عدالت بین حوضه‌ای، اقتصاد سیاسی سدها. نهایتاً در این پژوهش سعی بر این شده است تا وجوه هیدروپلیتیک همگراساز و واگراساز رودخانه بین‌المللی مکونگ احصاء شده و سپس به تحلیل ابعاد این وجوه پرداخته شود. از نتایج این تحقیق این است که کمیسیون مشترک مکونگ مهم‌ترین وجه هیدروپلیتیک همگراساز و سدسازی گسترده چین در بالادست رودخانه همراه با ایجاد برتری هیدروهژمونی مهم‌ترین وجه هیدروپلیتیک واگراساز می‌باشد. | ||
| کلیدواژه‌ها | ||
| مکونگ؛ رودخانه بین‌المللی؛ چین؛ هیدروپلیتیک واگراساز؛ هیدروپلیتیک همگراساز | ||
| عنوان مقاله [English] | ||
| Analysis of Hydropolitical Relations in the Mekong International River Basin | ||
| نویسندگان [English] | ||
| Yashar Zaki؛ Shahabeddin Shafi | ||
| Department of Political Geography, Faculty of Geography, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. | ||
| چکیده [English] | ||
| ABSTRACT This study presents a framework to analyze the politics and ecology of dams. It discusses the impacts of dams. They are on biology, livelihoods, shared resources, and justice across borders. It also covers the political economy of dams. This research seeks to find out how countries are alike and different. It looks at how they manage the Mekong River. Then, it will analyze the size of these parts. This research applies a descriptive-analytical method. The question to answer is: what is the result when hydropolitical forces in the Mekong River meet and mix?. Hydropolitics is the study of how water decisions affect government relations. This includes relations between governments and their people. Cooperation forms the basis of convergent hydropolitics. Tension and conflict form the basis of divergent hydropolitics. It is the 10th largest river in the world. The Mekong River has changed a lot in the past three decades. A river ran its course unobstructed. But, now it's hemmed in by large dams. This change has had a wide impact on hydrology. It's harmed the environment. It's hurt the livelihood of local communities. It's also disrupted the water governance system in the region. The Mekong Joint Commission is the main part of convergent hydropolitics. China has many dams upstream. The dams and their power are the main part of divergent hydropolitics Extended Abstract Introduction The Mekong region is a political focal point. It has conflicting interests between claimant countries. These countries include China, Vietnam, Thailand, Myanmar, Laos, and Cambodia. Moreover, many regional and international powers have shaped its destiny for centuries. The regional governance institutions in the Mekong Basin lack the capacity. They can't manage tensions and conflicts over shared water. Other actors exist. But, only one organization in the region has a legal mandate from the Mekong Basin countries. It must coordinate, plan, and balance the basin's social and environmental development. This includes conservation and protection of resources. It is the Mekong River Commission. They have their base on the banks of the great river in Vinh Tien. They have national coordination offices for its four member countries. The offices are in Phnom Penh, Vinh Tien, Bangkok, Hanoi, and Ho Chi Minh City. But, its framework and tools in operation are not well understood. This is by activists and stakeholders. Hydropolitics in the Mekong River basin is dynamic. It has complex convergence and divergence (Biba, 2018). This region faces challenges. They come from the building of hydroelectric dams. They affect the environment and politics (Éric et al., 2017; Dianne et al., 2016). Countries like Vietnam and Ethiopia depend on the Mekong and Nile rivers. They face challenges from traditional powers like China and Egypt. The countries are building big dams for economic growth and food security (Richárd et al., 2022). Development of the Lancheng-Mekong River's hydroelectric potential fosters transboundary water cooperation. But, debates continue about the dams' environmental and social impacts (Philip & Hirsch, 2014). We need a political ecology and participatory approach. They are crucial. They address the tensions, dilemmas, and potentials in the Mekong's complex water policies. Convergent hydropolitical relations are based on interaction and joint efforts between political units. Divergent ones are based on tension and conflict. The conflicts are between national and regional units. So, this research will discuss the Mekong hydropolitics with this approach. What happens when merging meets splitting in Mekong River politics? Methodology This research is applied in nature, and its method is descriptive-analytical. In this research, we first used the basics of political geography and hydropolitics. We collected data in a library. We described the existing conditions of the Mekong River from a hydropolitical view. Then, we presented the final analysis by analyzing and summarizing the findings. What happens when we mix and then separate hydropolitics in the Mekong River? Results and discussion The Mekong Cooperation Organization (Joint Commission) has proven its worth and credibility. It helps countries resolve disputes. The disputes are due to conflicting interests. They are about the use and development of cross-border and mainstream tributaries. A strong joint commission can create legitimacy. This is due to the legal basis of cooperation, such as the Mekong Agreement. It comes from procedures that require commitments from member states. Institutions can support the commission. It can do this by using the basin development strategy and other Mekong basin strategies. These strategies span national boundaries and interests. They aim to maximize basin benefits and limit transboundary impacts. They follow the direction of the basin development strategy and other basin-wide strategies. The strategies aim to maximize basin benefits and minimize transboundary impacts. They involve looking beyond borders and national interests. These groups can help this process. Challenges remain for the MRC. But, it is arguably one of the most successful cases of transboundary cooperation. It's in a major river in the world known for conflicts and rivalries within and without. The key to its success is the presence of and use of different dimensions. These include technical, legal, institutional, and strategic aspects. They are important in the field of water diplomacy. Underlying all of this is politics (often political commitment or lack thereof). In the Mekong's case, this commitment is called the Mekong spirit. It is a mix of courage, politics, perseverance, and goodwill among the Mekong. It shows they want to understand each other. They want to compromise to make a shared future. Conclusion Therefore, according to the findings, the following results can be presented: The Mekong River Basin is a tense geopolitical location. It has become a focus due to the conflicting interests of the bordering countries. These countries are China, Vietnam, Thailand, Myanmar, Laos, and Cambodia. Power and potential conflict are relative in this region. They are based on geography, politics, economy, and diplomacy. They can lead to tension and conflict. China has a superior position. It is an upstream country. This gives it an advantage in exercising its interests. These interests can lead to regional conflicts. China dominates Mekong resources. The country builds huge dams to do so. But, it ignores the interests of downstream countries. People oppose China's cooperation and rule. They cite issues. For example, they created the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation Organization (LMC). They made it instead of the Mekong River Commission (MRC). They also point to China's rejection of the UN Convention on River Management. It also withdrew from the World Commission on Dams. These actions show that China is protecting its interests. They also show it is trying to dominate the region. Fair resource management is necessary. This is true from moral and legal views. The Mekong River should be seen as a common resource. Its use should be based on justice. It should benefit the countries in the Mekong. Funding There is no funding support. Authors’ Contribution Authors contributed equally to the conceptualization and writing of the article. All of the authors approved thecontent of the manuscript and agreed on all aspects of the work declaration of competing interest none. Conflict of Interest Authors declared no conflict of interest. Acknowledgments We are grateful to all the scientific consultants of this paper. | ||
| کلیدواژه‌ها [English] | ||
| Mekong, International River, Divergent Hydropolitics, Convergent Hydropolitics, China | ||
| مراجع | ||
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